PREFACE

“We hold these truths to be self-evident,” our Declaration of Independence boldly asserts, “that all men are created equal.”  It is a noble sentiment, this: one that declares unapologetically that all human beings—no matter their age or sex, culture or religion, race or ethnicity, social class or educational status—possess intrinsic dignity, value, and worth.  It suggests as well that we all bear the imprint of our Creator and that, as such, we should all be treated, not as means to an end, but as ends in ourselves.   
        It does not suggest, however, that all men are the same or that they should be the same.  It is surely significant that this is the only place in the Declaration, the Constitution, or the Bill of Rights where the word “equal,” in the sense of equality, appears (the word “equally” appears several times in a procedural sense).  Neither Jefferson nor Franklin nor Adams nor any of the other Founding Fathers believed that all people were born with the same innate skills or the same physical, emotional, and psychological makeup; no sane man could believe such a thing.  But then neither did they believe that the role of the government and of society was to rectify this natural unevenness of gifts by forcing all Americans to fit into the same mold.        
Their social-political experiment would do what it could to allow for equality of opportunity: an equality that would enable and empower gifted and talented people to rise as high as their skills and persistence would allow.  What their experiment did not envisage—or desire—was a coercive equality of outcome that would impose an artificial form of equity without regard for differences in skill, merit, and values.  Yes, they consciously and deliberately chose to abolish all hereditary titles—the Constitution actually forbids the government from granting any such titles—but they never intended to abolish all distinctions.  Indeed, had they attempted to do so, they would have violated their own commitment to the innate dignity of each individual: a dignity that rests in great part upon the acknowledgment and fostering of our individual uniqueness.   
How sad then that our Founding Fathers’ quest for political equality—in which each individual is accorded equal dignity and protection before the law—has, in the hands of many modern “planners,” morphed into a quest for sameness mandated by law.  How tragic that their brave and bold experiment—that citizens can make their own laws and govern themselves without slipping into anarchy or mob rule—has given way to a plethora of social engineering “projects” which range in their impact from silly and naïve to virulent and anti-humanistic.
I have titled this book “The Dangers of Egalitarianism” because I believe that egalitarianism, in its many and varied manifestations, poses one of the greatest threats to the stability, welfare, growth, and indeed continuation of Western civilization.  And, since the western world—both for good and for ill—still exerts a profound influence on the behavior, goals, and values of the rest of the world, it is no exaggeration to say that the dangers of egalitarianism are potentially global in their impact.
First, a word of definition.  In this book, I will be using the word “egalitarianism” to signify not the quest for political, educational, and occupational “fairness,” but the growing desire on the part of many of the “shapers” of the western world to break down all distinctions between people—whether those distinctions be between men and women, parents and children, clergy and laity, the more educated and the less, the more physically strong or beautiful and the less, or the more economically successful and the less.  Along with this breakdown in distinctions has come an attempt to collapse traditional standards of goodness, truth, and beauty and to redefine the parameters of such institutions as marriage and the church, grade schools and universities, government and the military.  
My overall purpose in this book will be threefold: to uncover and analyze some of the major sources, methods, and ramifications of egalitarianism; to describe the kind of lowest-common-denominator world that would be created if egalitarianism were ever to achieve all of its goals; to offer a counter-vision of a society in which hierarchy, elitism, and distinction rightly understood work hand-in-hand with freedom and creativity both to strengthen community and to enhance individual human dignity.  Though I will in my analysis use the words conservative and liberal, I will use them in a wider historical and philosophical sense and not to define narrow partisan battles between Republicans and Democrats.  Indeed, this will not at all be a “current events” book or one that drags its readers through a sea of statistics and sociopolitical studies.  I will, accordingly, avoid bogging down my narrative either with sociological-anthropological “academese” or with sound bites from pundits and policy wonks.  I will draw my inspiration instead from such time-honored classics as Plato’s Republic, The Federalist Papers, Edmund Burke’s Reflections on the Revolution in France, Matthew Arnold’s Culture and Anarchy, Ortega’s Revolt of the Masses, and John Paul II’s The Theology of the Body.
Though I am an English Professor I will be writing not as a narrow, overly-specialized “academic,” but as a man of letters who would engage, inspire, and challenge his readers by synthesizing the wisdom—both philosophical and aesthetic—of the past in order to help us to move forward toward the future.  What I will be seeking in my chapters is not so much “facts” as truth, not so much physical artifacts as the living human voice of our ancestors.  And I hope to embody that wisdom and truth in a lively, personal prose that pays homage not to the false idol of “objective” scholarship but to what Wordsworth called “the native, naked dignity of man.”  
Let me acknowledge here at the outset that I write this book from the perspective and worldview of a broadly evangelical Protestant with a strong respect and affinity for the sacramental and ecclesiastical structures of both Eastern Orthodoxy and Western Catholicism.  Still, that does not mean that this book is meant only for Christians; my vision, in fact, will be as much humanistic as it is Christian, and will honor and celebrate our dual Greco-Roman, Judeo-Christian heritage.  Although Chapters Nine and Ten, in which I offer a sacramental and Trinitarian understanding of marriage and the sexes, relies heavily on orthodox Christian doctrine, the other chapters are more broad based in their foundational presuppositions and should appeal to all those who have been concerned, if not alarmed, by the West’s rapid and often uncritical embrace of egalitarian principles.
Whether one believes in God the Father or in Mother Earth, it is clear that the creative impulse set loose in our world is one that loves variety.  There is nothing blandly uniform about the animal, the vegetable, or even the mineral world.  Diversity is the rule, the theme, if you will, of life on planet earth.  Unfortunately, the egalitarian planners in our schools and universities who have fought to achieve multiculturalism have more often than not steered us away from true diversity into an increasingly gray, mediocre, and androgynous world.
It is time that we reclaimed those differences and distinctions that make each of us uniquely valuable and that inspired our Founding Fathers to build a diverse yet unified society that would embody their high vision of E Pluribus Unum.  

Louis Markos, Professor in English
Houston Baptist University, Houston, TX
Summer 2007
THE DANGERS OF EGALITARIANISM
(93,000 words)

PART I: THE SOCIAL AND THE POLITICAL
(34,500 words)

Ch 1) PLATO’S TWO MISTAKES: First, I shall discuss Plato’s mistaken belief that virtue is the same as knowledge, or, to put it another way, that ignorance is sin.  For Plato, men do not act virtuously because they do not understand virtue.  Though Rousseau would have parted company with Plato on many other grounds, in this area, Rousseau agreed that the problem with man is not sin and disobedience (the traditional, “conservative” view) but ignorance (a central teaching of classical liberalism).  I will show that this Platonic mistake—especially as filtered through Rousseau—has led in great part to the modern attempts to build utopias that end up being both radically egalitarian and totalitarian.  Second, I shall discuss what is perhaps the most offensive and unnatural aspect of Plato’s ideal republic: its fostering  of a community of women in which no one knows who the father is of any given child.  This second Platonic mistake has worked together with the first to pave the way for egalitarian-totalitarian states.  

Ch 2) THROWING OUT THE PAST: The discussion in Ch 1 on egalitarian-totalitarian states will lead naturally to an analysis of the French Revolution and how its crimes and horrors embodied not a violation of radical egalitarian principles, but a natural outgrowth of them.  Here again, I shall invoke the name of Rousseau, along with Voltaire and his fellow Enlightenment thinkers.  The chapter will be structured around a close reading of Edmund Burke’s Reflections on the Revolution in France, a book that exposed with prophetic power the coming dangers of egalitarianism.  I shall focus in particular on Burke’s contrasting of the French Revolution and Britain’s Glorious Revolution of 1688, his discussion of how “prejudice” can be a good thing, and his analysis of what happens when we throw off the past and thus “level” all of history.  

Ch 3) THE AMERICAN EXPERIMENT: Burke’s contrasting of the disastrous French Revolution with the successful British Revolution will lead naturally to a discussion of the success of the American experiment.  This chapter will be structured around a close reading of key passages from The Federalist Papers and Tocqueville’s Democracy in America.  In reading both of these texts I will focus on such things as: 1) the realism of the writers and their understanding of human nature (“men are not angels”); 2) how we can and must learn from history and the study of our great ancestors; 3) the dangers of the tyranny of the majority; 4) the need for checks and balances both in the political and social sphere; 5) that there is such a thing as a good form of elitism that must be nourished if we are to survive; 6) the role of moral and ethical standards and the need for smaller groups to counterbalance the federal government.

Ch 4) THE DARK LEGACY OF KARL MARX: In this chapter, I will discuss the thinker whose writings have posed the greatest threat to true freedom and liberty in the West: Karl Marx.  Marx’s theories might be seen as expressing the dark side of the American yearning for freedom and “equality.”  Although his theories have been widely discredited both by scholars and by history, the poison of Marxism still lives on both in the class conflict his theories continue to inflame and in one of his central dictums: that human consciousness is not an innate, essential thing created by God, but a product of material forces that are outside the control of the individual.  Only once we accept this Marxist dogma does egalitarianism in its most destructive forms become viable.  In the latter half of the chapter, I will discuss how the Marxist desire to build a classless utopia paves the way for the building of totalitarian dystopias that crush all individuality and enforce physical and mental uniformity.  To explore the terrifying dimensions of such dystopias I will look closely at three dystopic novels: Yevgeny Zamyatin’s We, Arthur Koestler’s Darkness at Noon, and George Orwell’s 1984.

Ch 5) RESISTING THE MOB: I will conclude Part I by counterbalancing Marx’s leveling materialism with a close reading of a text that should be more widely read today: Ortega’s Revolt of the Masses.  According to Ortega, the masses are not defined by class or income but by the fact that they are the majority who do not think about their lives, who do not set themselves higher goals, and who do not try to line up their lives with higher standards and authorities.  It is only the select minority (the elite) who strive for nobler ends, even if they do not achieve them. Civilization works best, Ortega argues, when the mass allows the minority to rule, to make the vital decisions, and to set the standards.  Once I have fully fleshed out Ortega’s anti-Marxist and anti-egalitarian vision, I shall close this chapter (and section) by injecting a specifically Christian dimension into the argument.  Specifically, I shall discuss the “heresy of inclusivism” which has led many confessing Christians to advocate for gay “marriage.”  I shall tie this heresy to the mistaken belief that Jesus was an egalitarian, and then argue that Jesus’ goal was not to break down all hierarchies, but to foster a new concept of servant leadership.



PART II: EDUCATION AND THE ARTS
(20,000 words)

Ch 6) THE BEST THAT HAS BEEN KNOWN AND THOUGHT: Building on Part I, Part II will immediately begin by positing that elitism need not be, and should not be, a “dirty” word.  As Ortega argues that elitism is a good and necessary thing in the political and social sphere, so is it necessary, I shall show, in the aesthetic sphere.  My two witnesses in this will be Matthew Arnold (“The Function of Criticism at the Present Time”) and T. S. Eliot (“Tradition and the Individual Talent”), both of whom helped to form and propagate the literary canon (the Great Books of the Western Tradition).  I will explore in particular how Arnold (in Culture and Anarchy) and Eliot (in The Idea of a Christian Society) warned their respective societies of the leveling and brutalizing effects of materialism and industrialism, holding up an integrated and “elitist” vision of culture as a potent antidote.  I will also show how Eliot modified Arnold’s earlier vision by supplying it with a missing ingredient: religion.  Interpolated throughout this chapter, I will discuss what a true liberal-arts education should instill in its students.       

Ch 7) LOWEST-COMMON-DENOMINATOR WORLD: Having built up in Ch 6 a vision of what a true liberal-arts university (and grade school) should look like, I will contrast this vision with the more mainstreamed, multicultural agenda that has so enervated and crippled our colleges and schools.  I shall discuss the lowering of standards and the rise of “self esteem” initiatives as a response not to the growing sense of entitlement felt by students of all ages but the desire on the part of our “educational engineers” to foster egalitarianism in the schools.  Indeed, I shall argue that student feelings of entitlement are themselves one of the sour fruits of egalitarianism.  C. S. Lewis shall be my guide in this chapter as I seek to expose the harmfulness of this egalitarian educational agenda; indeed, the chapter shall be structured around a set of close readings of Lewis’s “Screwtape Proposes a Toast” and two brief essays he wrote during WWII: “Equality” and “Democratic Education.”

Ch 8) THE GOOD, THE TRUE, AND THE BEAUTIFUL: I will conclude Part II by first discussing how goodness, truth, and beauty have, tragically, been dismissed from our schools and universities and rejected as aesthetic and philosophical standards for the arts, and then countering this dismissal and rejection by championing the central role that goodness, truth, and beauty —and the love of and yearning for goodness, truth, and beauty—have traditionally played in the arts and in philosophy.  My main “witnesses” will be those timeless dialogues (Symposium, Phaedrus, Republic) in which Plato calls on philosophers to make the journey upward toward the eternal and unchanging Forms.  I shall then move from Plato’s pagan philosophers who sought an encounter with the impersonal Forms to those medieval Catholic saints who sought a more personal beatific vision of God.  My texts here will be the Summa of Aquinas, Art and Beauty in the Middle Ages by Umberto Eco, and Volume II of The Glory of the Lord by Hans Urs von Balthasar.  I will conclude by seeking a middle way between the extremes of nominalism (that would deny the existence of any transcendent standards) and monism (that would collapse all individuality and distinction).  


PART III: MARRIAGE AND THE SEXES
(31,500 words)

Ch 9) AND THE TWO SHALL BE ONE: This chapter argues that masculinity and femininity are essential, innate qualities rather than mere social constructs, and that marriage between the sexes should be complementarian rather than egalitarian.  It fleshes out the two in one nature of marriage by inscribing it within the Christian mysteries of the Incarnation, the Trinity, the Sacraments, and the Great Marriage of Christ and the Church.  It also argues forcefully that “man” rather than “humanity” or “humankind” is the right and proper word to describe the human race.  This chapter borrows heavily from John Paul II’s The Theology of the Body.

Ch 10) INITIATE AND RESPOND: Working from a key statement by Leanne Payne and Elizabeth Elliot that posits that masculinity is that which initiates and femininity that which responds, this chapter explores the specific roles of husbands and wives within the marriage covenant.  It attempts to explain biblical headship and submission in ways that can be understood and embraced by our modern age and that can expand rather than reduce our understanding and appreciation for our sexual natures and identities.

Ch 11) IN~PRAISE OF FEMININITY: Building on the distinctions made in Ch 10, this chapter celebrates the feminine virtues of emotion, intuition, and nurture.  It argues that egalitarian feminists who balk at women being described as more emotional or intuitive do so, not out of respect for femininity, but because they have embraced the male chauvinist, Enlightenment belief that reason and logic should always trump emotion and intuition.  The chapter discusses the need to maintain a balance between reason and emotion, explores the vital distinction between holistic femininity and compartmentalized masculinity, and ends by highlighting the specific feminine courage found both in the heroines of ancient Greek literature and the Old Testament and, supremely, in the Virgin Mary.

Ch 12) THE BATTLE OF THE SEXES: Having spent Ch 11 praising feminine virtues, I begin this chapter by admitting that I do not always like the virtues I praise.  This leads to a full discussion of the true nature of the battle of the sexes.  Totally unrelated to the modern struggle for “gender equity” in the political, educational, and occupational spheres, the true battle of the sexes has to do with the constant miscommunication that ever plagues male/female relationships and that so often prevents men and women from expressing how they truly feel toward one another.  In fleshing out the parameters of this fun if exhausting battle, this chapter takes a close and knowing look at Shakespeare’s Much Ado About Nothing, the popular Hollywood genre of Screwball comedy, and John Gray’s Men are From Mars, Women are From Venus.  

Ch 13) THE EMASCULATION OF LANGUAGE: In my final chapter I carry my struggle against the dangers of egalitarianism into the linguistic sphere to combat the neutering of language that has invaded our business, schools, universities, and churches over the past twenty years. The chapter consists of three parts: 1) a survey of how strong and ubiquitous the gender-neutral agenda has become; 2) an argument as to why the Bible—not to mention the hymns, prayers, and creeds of the church—should not be translated in accordance with the “rules" of "non-sexist" usage; 3) an argument as to why the gender-neutral trend in general is a negative and even potentially harmful one. ~

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ESSAY (5000 words): My purpose in the bibliography will be twofold: to give a list of the works cited in each chapter; to suggest a few other books that the interested reader may want to consult.  The audience for this bibliography will not be the specialist but the lay reader who prefers—as do I—to wrestle directly with key primary texts rather than wade through secondary sources.  To allow me to carry on a dialogue with these readers, I will adopt an informal essay format.  





      






 


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